Many of these letters concern the design, manufacture, and installation of statues of the king in various temple cellas within his realm. We discover that attention was paid to every detail, and that scholars debated even the proper positioning of the king's scepter and the correct representation of his dress, sending sketches or actual sculptures to the king for his approval when they could not agree (no. 34). In the case of the royal statues destined for Esaggil and the temples of Babylon, we are told that the king was to be represented in the ritual attire that he actually wore when he went before the (still-exiled) image of Bel in his cella in the temple of Aššur, and that such statues had already been installed on the dais of the god there (no. 178). These statues were apparently made in pairs, and were installed on either side of not only Bel but also Ištar in Arbela (no. 140), the Moon god in Harran (SAA 10 13), and the goddess Tašmetu in Borsippa (SAA 10 358). These images were made of copper, silver, lapis lazuli, and gold. In one case 200 kg of gold was said to have been destined for fashioning statues of the king and the queen mother (no. 61). Images of the king were not only placed in the temples but also on the streets of some towns (e.g. SAA 10 350). This was true also of statues of the queen mother (no. 188). Statues of the king's sons were said to have been installed behind and in front of the image of the Moon god in Harran (SAA 10 13); and, along with the gods of Assyria and the king's own statue, statues of the princes were said to have been the guardians of a treaty imposed on imperial vassals (SAA 2 6 §35).
Other evidence from the Neo-Assyrian period indicates that the royal image was the focus of offerings and that in due course it came to be considered divine. These circumstances undoubtedly stemmed from the dogma that the Assyrian king was the very "Image of God."[[12]] They also reflect practices and beliefs current in Mesopotamia during the third and early second millennia and are thus perfectly consonant with ancient tradition. Before considering the Neo-Assyrian evidence, therefore, it may be interesting to survey some of the earlier material, at least briefly, to see precisely how the later Assyrian practices fit into this stream of tradition.
We know, for example, that in Early Dynastic Lagaš, around the middle of the third millennium BC, offerings were made to the statues of the rulers Ur-Nanše,[[13]] Lugalanda (along with the gods Hendursag and Šul-utul),[[14]] Enmetena (alongside Ninmarki, Nanše, Ningirsu, and other deities),[[15]] and to the statues of Barnamtara, wife of Lugalanda, and Šagšag, wife of Uruinimgina.[[16]] During Ur III times offerings were made before the deified statues of the earlier Akkadian kings Sargon, Naram-Sin, and Maništušu,[[17]] and before Gudea, ensi of Lagaš.[[18]] During this period such offerings were also placed before statues of the Ur III rulers themselves, with numerous texts attesting to the existence of cults devoted to the divinized Ur-Nammu,[[19]] Šulgi,[[20]] Amar-Sin,[[21]] Šu-Sin,[[22]] and Ibbi-Sin.[[23]] In the early second millennium BC, numerous year formulae of the kings of Isin, Larsa, Babylon, Ešnunna, and Mari also attest to the practice of installing royal images in temples and placing offerings before them, as does other evidence too abundant to cite.[[24]] Finally, statues of the great kings of the third millennium, in particular Sargon and Naram-Sin, also continued to be venerated.[[25]]
Therefore it is more than evident that before the Neo-Assyrian period there had been a long tradition of setting up statues of kings in temples and that these statues received offerings in much the same way as the images of the gods. These royal statues were also frequently preceded by the divine determinative in the texts in which they are mentioned. The same was true of the Neo-Assyrian period. We have already cited evidence demonstrating that statues of the king were set up in temples next to those of the gods.[[26]] There is also evidence that the Assyrian royal image received offerings as well. Particularly important in this context is the akītu ritual tablet VAT 10464, which states that the king was to sacrifice sheep before the king's statue, probably in the Adad temple.[[27]] There is also unambiguous evidence from inscriptions, administrative texts, and legal documents that such statues were considered divine. First, Tiglath-pileser III states in his annals that he set up "images of the great gods and a golden image of my kingship" in the palace of Hanunu in Gaza and that these were "counted as gods of his (Hanunu's) land."[[28]] Second, in the so-called Götteradressbuch, which is an inventory of the gods inhabiting the various major temples of the Assyrian heartland, the royal statues present therein are almost all recorded with a divine determinative before them (dṢalam-šarri).[[29]] And finally, a number of Neo-Assyrian legal documents from the seventh century were confirmed before divine witnesses, including (besides Aššur, Šamaš, Nergal, Adad, and Nabû) dṢalam-šarri, the "Divine Image of the King."[[30]]
12 Compare the following expressions: "He (Tukulti-Ninurta) is the eternal image of Enlil who listens to the words of (his) people" (AfO 18 [1957-58] 50 y 10); "The king is the perfect likeness of the god" (SAA 10 207 r. 12- 13); "The father of the king, my lord, was the very image of Bel, and the king, my lord, is likewise the very image of Bel" (SAA 10 228:18-19); " [The king, my lord], is the very [ima]ge of Marduk" (no. 46 r. 11); "You, O king of the world, are the very image of Marduk" (SAA 8 333 r. 2); and "The king, the lord of the world, is the very image of Šamaš" (SAA 10 196 r. 4-5). Compare also: "What the king, my lord, said is as perfect as (the word of) the god" (SAA 10 191 r. 6-7); and "The word of the king, my lord, is as [final] as (the word of) the gods" (no. 46 r. 12).
13 During the reign of Lugalanda; see Nikolski 23 = H. de Genouillac, Tablettes sumériennes archaïques (Paris 1909), no. 1 = DP 53 xi 3.
14 During the reign of his successor Uruinimgina (DP 66 vi); see M. Lambert, RA 50 (1956) 106.
15 DP 55; see A. Deimel, "Die Opferlisten Urukaginas und seiner Vorgänger," Or 28 (1928) 55; B. Landsberger, Der kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer (Leipzig 1915), p. 56. Offerings to Enmetena are also mentioned in the Sargonic text ITT I 1081 (pl. 5).
16 DP 54 vi 3 and 5.
17 M. Çıg, H. Kızılyay, and A. Salonen, Die Puzriš-Dagan-Texte der lstanbuler Archäologischen Museen I (Helsinki 1954), no. 605:6, dated to Šu-Sin 1, refers to an offering made before the deified statue of Sargon, while line 5 of the same text mentions an offering to the deified Naram-Sin. A.L. Oppenheim, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets of the Wilberforce Eames Babylonian Collection in the New York Public Library (American Oriental Series 32, New Haven 1948), p. 13- 14 B 3 mentions an offering made to the deified Maništušu (reign of Šu-Sin). At least some of the offerings in question were made in shrines dedicated to these kings. From Šulgi year 44 comes a text mentioning a shrine of Sargon (CT 7 pl. 25 no. 13164:12), while T.G. Pinches, JRAS 1920 pp. 21-24 mentions offerings for the temple of Šara and Maništušu. And for Naram-Sin mention is made of an offering to the "(temple-) gate of Naram-Sin" in a text dated to Šulgi 30 (AnOr 7 52:5; see Falkenstein, OLZ 61 [1958] 142) — see in general H. Hirsch, "Die Inschriften der Könige von Agade," AfO 20 (1963) 5, 16, 24.
18 ITT IV 7310 (pl. 12) iii 28; E. Chiera, Selected Temple Accounts from Telloh, Yokha and Drehem (Philadelphia 1922), 8 xi 5, xii 8; ITT II 3569 (pl. 49); J.B. Nies, Ur Dynasty Tablets (Assyriologische Bibliothek 25, Leipzig 1920), no. 39:4-5. On the cult of Gudea during Ur III times, see, e.g., V. Scheil, RT 18 (1896) 64-74; A. Parrot, Tello, vingt campagnes de fouilles (1877-1933) (Paris 1948), pp. 228-29 nn. 397-99; and N. Schneider, "Die Götternamen von Ur III," AnOr 19 (1939) nos. 170-73.
19 Offerings were made to statues of Ur-Nammu (and Šulgi) during the reign of Amar-Sin; see W. Förtsch, "Zwei altbabylonische Opferlisten," MVAG 21 (1917) 22-23; and Nies, Ur Dynasty Tablets, 92:7-8. A temple of Ur-Nammu is also mentioned in several texts, including UET 3 380 r. 4, UET 3 1094:4, and ITT II 970.
20 At Umma the cult of Šulgi was practiced in the temple of Šara; see T. Fish, "The Cult of King Dungi during the Third Dynasty of Ur," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 11/2 (1927) 4-5; and N. Schneider, AfO 14 (1941-44) 336ff. But there was also a temple dedicated to Šulgi in Kian, a district of Umma (TCL 5 5672 v 9). For other references to his cult at Umma, see TCL 5 5668 iii 3, 5670 ii 7, and 6038 vi 24. A tablet from Drehem mentions an ereš-dingir priestess of Šulgi along with a priestess of Ninsun, see H. Limet, RA 49 (1955) 70 n. 2. Another tablet from Drehem mentions a statue of the king which received an offering of two ewes in the temple of Enlil at Nippur, and, on the same day, three rams in the temple of Ninlil (TCL 2 pl. xvi: AO 5501 ii 9-10, 24-25 [Šulgi 45]). Also, a tablet from either Tello or Drehem tells us that the statue of Šulgi was taken on procession at certain festivals (YOS 4 no. 56:20 [undated]).
21 Tablets from Ur dating to lbbi-Sin years 5 and 6 mention a statue of the deified Amar-Sin that received offerings after those made before the gate, the god Haia, and the throne, all in the temple of Nanna (UET 3 105:111 [I.-S. 5], UET 3 133, 139, 142, 747 [I.-S. 6]). Amar-Sin was deified during his reign, since tablets dated to his 5th and 6th years mention offerings for dSulgi and dAmar-Sin (Oppenheim, Eames Collection, D 5; N. Schneider, AfO 14 [1941-44] 337:1, 2, and 4). Several documents mention a temple of Amar-Sin alongside a temple of Šulgi (N. Schneider, Die Drehem- und Djoha-Urkunden der Strassburger Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek in Autographie und mit systematischen Wörterverzeichnissen herausgegeben, AnOr 1 (1931) no. 133, 346; ITT V 9600; Nies, Ur Dynasty Tablets, no. 41::9-10). A tablet from Tello mentions a temple of Ur-Nammu, a temple of Šulgi, and a temple of Amar-Sin (ITT II 970 [date broken]). Finally, a temple of Amar-Sin is also mentioned in documents dating to the reigns of Šu-Sin and Ibbi-Sin (UET 3 no. 266 and no. 1225 [Š-S 1], no. 382 [I-S 8], no. 1437 [n.d.])
22 There were temples dedicated to the deified Šu-Sin at Ešnunna, Ur, and Girsu (see, respectively, Frankfort et al., Gimilsin Temple, p. 9ff; UET 3 no. 1413 rev.; Parrot, Tello, p. 226ff). The temple at Girsu received offerings during the reign of Šu-Sin, as did statues of Šu-Sin in the temples of Ningirsu and Bau (F. Thureau-Dangin, "Le culte des rois dans la période prébabylonienne," RT 19 [1897] 185-187 [Š-S 5]; ITT II 793, 3256; ITT V 9756 [Š-S 5]). ITT II 795 mentions bitumen for the socle of the statue of the divine Šu-Sin already in Amar-Sin 9. In year 5 of Šu-Sin, a temple of the statue of Šu-Sin was built on the quay of Susa(?) (ITT II 3390:6-r. I, see M. Lambert, RA 54 [1960] 128f no. 31). Several texts mention offerings to statues of this king in the temple of Inanna at Uruk (N. Schneider, Die Drehem- und Djohatexte im Kloster Montserrat (Barcelona) in Autographie und mit systematischen Wörterverzeichnissen herausgegeben, AnOr 7 (1932) no. 104:7 [Š-S 6?]; no. 108:19, 87, 122 [Š-S 9]; CT 32 pl. 16 i 4 and pl. 17 iv 17 [n.d.]) and in the temples of Enlil (ibid. no. 272 i 9 [Š-S 7]; CT 32 pl. 16 i 12, pl. 17 v 6, and pl. 18 vi 21) and Ninlil at Nippur (N. Schneider, Die Drehem- und Djohatexte im Kloster Montserrat, AnOr 7 (1932) no. 108:3, 25, 48: CT 32 pl. 16 i 14, pl. 17 v 8, and pl. 18 vi 23). Finally, from Drehem come tablets indicating that Šulgi and Šu-Sin were venerated in the temple of Ninsun, along with Lugalbanda, Geštinanna, Dumuzi, and other deities (TCL 2 5482 r. iii 4-12, 5514:16-r. 5).
23 E.g.: according to UET 3 267 ii 1, offerings were made to a l arge statue of the deified lbbi-Sin alongside the statues of numerous deities and the divine Šulgi (ibid. ii 12).
24 We know, for example, that Sin-iddinam of Larsa fashioned a silver statue of his father, Nur-Adad, which was dedicated to Šamaš and placed in the great court of Ebabbar for the purpose of transmitting prayers and messages of Sin-iddinam and to prolong his life (see J. van Dijk, JCS 19 [1965] 1-25). This king also erected a statue of himself in the Ekur in Nippur (according to an unpublished list of offerings [Ni. 2484] cited by F.R. Kraus, "Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden," JCS 3 [1951] 37 §5). UET 1 275 vi 1 8-20 mentions a large statue of the deified Sin-eribam, the successor of Sin-iddinam, bearing an inscription that was copied by a scribe at Ur. An inscription of Samsu-iluna of Babylon mentions the fashioning of an alabaster statue weighing 84 talents (about 2.5 tons!) for the temple Eturkalamma (VS 16 156: 6-7). And as a final example, a letter of Šamši-Adad to Yasmah-Addu mentions silver for the manufacture of statues and their adornment (among them a statue of Yasmah-Addu to be inlaid with silver), which are said to have been destined for a temple in Assur and the temple of Dagan in Mari (ARM 1 74).
25 For the existence of statues of Sargonic kings in Old B abylonian Ur, see D. Loding, "Old Babylonian Texts from Ur," JCS 28 (1976) 237 no. 11 col. ii, which mentions a copper statue of Sargon. In OB Nippur there were apparently many statues of these kings set up in the Ekur, see e.g. the colophon on the Sammeltafel CBS 13972 (= PBS 5 34 + 15 41) left edge: "[inscriptions of S]argon, Rimuš, and Maništušu as many as were in Ekur" (see I.J. Gelb and B. Kienast, Die altakkadischen Königsinschriften des dritten Jahrtausends v. Chr. [Freiburger Altorientalische Studien 7. Stuttgart 1990], p. 139ff). Nabonidus revived veneration of the images of Sargon and Naram-Sin in the sixth century BC. Statues of these kings were uncovered in the course of this king's "excavations" at Sippar and were then set up in Ebabbar and a cult established for them. On their discovery see W.G. Lambert, "A New Source for the Reign of Nabonidus," AfO 22 (1968-69) 1-8; for texts listing provisions for their cult, see CT 55 469:13; CT 56 442:23, 451; CT 57 242, 256:4, 307, 312, 617; J.N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Cyrus, König von Babylon (538-529 v. Chr.) (Leipzig 1890), no. 40, 256; and J.N. Strassmaier, Inschriften van Cambyses, König von Babylon (529-521 v. Chr.) (Leipzig 1890), no. 150.
26 Compare also, for example, the statement of Sennacherib that the kings, his fathers, had fashioned bronze statues in their likenesses to set up in the temples (Luckenbill Senn., p. 108 vi 80-82; p. 122:15), as well as a very interesting inventory of cult objects, including royal statues of silver, in the cellas of Ištar of Bet-Kidmuri, Marduk, Ninurta, Belet-balaṭi, Mullissu, and Parisat-palê (SAA 7 62 i 14, ii 12´, iii 10´, 16´, iv 6´, and rev. i 10).
27 See Menzel Tempel, T 80 i 10´-11´.
28 Tadmor T-P III, pp. 138-40 (Summ. 4): 10´-11´; pp. 176-78 (Summ. 8): 16´-17´; and p. 188 (Summ. 9) r. 14- 15. U. Magen believes that Tiglath-pileser III's inscriptions are too fragmentary in this context to support the interpretation of a divinized royal image (see Assyrische Königsdarstellungen — Aspekte der Herrschaft: Eine Typologie, Baghdader Forschungen 9 [Mainz am Rhein 1986], p. 45). However, a musical score edition of the relevant texts collected by Tadmor shows that only the verb ulziz has to be restored.
29 Such divinized royal statues are named among the gods of Calah and Arbela (3 R 66 vi 29, 32, 35) and are also recorded as being among the divine inhabitants of the temples of Anu, Gula, Adad, and Ištar-aššuritu (KAV 42 ii 6, 9, 29, iii 6; KAV 43 ii 21). For another interpretation of the term ṣalmu in these contexts, see S. Dalley, Iraq 48 (1986) 85-101.
30 VAT 21531 (dŠamaš); SAAB 9 (1995) 68 (dAššur, dŠamaš); SAA 6 240 (dŠamaš), dNergal); CTN 2 36 (dAdad of Kurbail); SAA 6 219 (dṢalam-šarri); ND 2080 B. Parker, Iraq 16 (1954) 54 (dṢalam-šarri, dŠamaš); and Friedrich et al. Tell Halaf, nos. 112-1 3 (dNabû, dŠamaš), dṢalam-šarri). (All references courtesy K. Radner.) In addition, the existence of the personal name mdṢalam-šarri-iqbi indicates that the image was a source of oracles and that royal statues had come to be worshipped as gods (see A. Ungnad in Friedrich et al. Tell Halaf, p. 58 n. 21, and p. 63 n. 5; contra Magen, Assyrische Königsdarstellungen, p. 44).
Steven W. Cole
Steven W. Cole, 'The Cult of the Royal Image', Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Priests to Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, SAA 13. Original publication: Helsinki, Helsinki University Press, 1998; online contents: SAAo/SAA13 Project, a sub-project of MOCCI, 2020 [http://oracc.org/saao/saa13/lettersfrompriests/cultoftheroyalimage/]