The west, and particularly the eastern part of the Mediterranean coast, is fairly well represented in the correspondence. Interpreting the information offered by the letters is, however, often an intricate problem. Many of the incidents between Assyria and the Levantine coastal cities seem to relate to economic undertakings. It is needless to point out that many people wanted to participate in this lucrative trade, but it may come as a surprise to learn that Esarhaddon evidently gave a pretty free hand to many of the local kings, chieftains and traders, and tolerated some of their actions even when they conflicted with his own interests.[[61]] This is at least the impression one gets from two letters (nos. 127 and 128) by one Itti-Šamaš-balaṭu, whose exact status is not known, but who was probably a royal agent (qēpu) appointed to observe the situation in the northern part of the east Mediterranean coast.
These letters by Itti-Šamaš-balaṭu shed some light on Assyrian-Phoenician relations in the closing years of Esarhaddon's reign. For example, in no. 127 Ikkilû ,[[62]] the king of Arwad, is reported to have hindered boats from approaching the Assyrian port, appropriating the whole trade for himself and favouring those traders who came to do business directly with him. And as if this were not incriminating enough, he is further said to have killed those traders who ventured to dock at the Assyrian harbour, and stolen their boats. Furthermore, one Ilu-ma'adi, a man from Simirra, is reported as working as an agent for him in order to find out what was happening in Assyria. Such accusations can be considered extremely grave, especially if one compares them with the conditions stated in Esarhaddon's treaty with Baal, king of Tyre.[[63]] We may surmise that the king of Arwad had either contracted a similar treaty or was in some other way subjected to Assyrian rule, which dictated his rights.
Running business in the Phrenician coastal cities was certainly so profitable that the threats advanced by Ikkilû and the merchants against Itti-Šamaš-balaṭu are quite understandable. Those threats seem to have caused plenty of trouble to Itti-Šamaš-balaṭu, who represented the interests of the Assyrian king in northern Phoenicia. However, a rather puzzling aspect of the matter is the role of some Assyrians: "There are many in the entourage of the king, who have invested silver in this house - they and the merchants are systematically scaring me" ( 127 r.7-10).64 Possibly SAA 4 89, a query by the crown erince Assurbanipal concerning a message to Ikkilû, resulted from Itti-Šamaš-balaṭu's complaints to Esarhaddon, who may himself at that time have been on his way to Egypt. Perhaps Ikkilû knew about it and wanted to profit from the occasion. In any case, Ikkilû must have enjoyed a considerable degree of freedom in his activities. He was not killed, replaced, or otherwise severely punished because of his schemes, but was able to keep his position as the king of Arwad even after Esarhaddon's reign, since he is attested as paying tribute to Assurbanipal.
Another letter (no. 129), probably also by Itti-Samas-balaru, records raids by Arabs, but its broken condition does not allow us to draw clear conclusions.
Some inland areas dose to the eastern Mediterranean coast are also referred to. Arpad, for example, is mentioned twice. In no. 48 Tabnî petitions the palace scribe to treat better his friend Abn1, the sheep-tax master of Arpad, who is coming to Nineveh,[[65]] and no. 135 concerns some disorders around Arpad. Interesting is the reference in no. 63 r.9ff to one Halbišu, a Samarian, and Bar-uri from Sam' al, who had told the anonymous informer the latest news about Guzana. These men were possibly spying for Esarhaddon.[[66]] Damascus appears in two fragmentary letters (nos. 133 and 134). A merchant from Carchemish is killed by his own servants in no. 105. Augurs from Hamath occur in a broken context in no. 8. Iqbi-Aššur, the scribe of Kar-Shalmaneser (Til-Barsip), complains about his problems to the king (no. 44). The governor of Que is said to hate someone in Harran in a letter by an anonymous informer (no. 71). Šamaš-šumu-ukin presents to the king a horse from the governor of Rasappa (no. 22).
61 For a summary of the economic conditions of the levantine coastal towns and Assyrian control over them see, e.g., J. N. Postgate, "The Economic Structure of the Assyrian Empire", in M. T. Larsen (ed.). Power and Propaganda (Copenhagen 1979), pp. 198f, 206 and M. Elat. Festschrift Tadmor, pp. 21-35.
62 Also known as Iakin-lû and lkkalû, cf. PNA 2/1 p. 488.
63 See SAA 2 p. XXIX and ibid. no. 5. Five years after the conclusion of the treaty (i.e., 671 B.C.). Baal was replaced and Tyre turned into an Assyrian province by Esarhaddon.
64 See also no. 128, which partly parallels no. 127.
65 Tabnî, the author of no. 48, might be identical with the haruspex Tabnî, the author of SAA 10 181 and 182 (however. cf. LAS II p. 373), and co-author of SAA 4 3, 18, 122, 139, 155, 185. SAA 10 177. cf. LAS IIA. p. 43.
66 The men in question, as other persons with Jewish names mentioned in the letter, were probably deportees from Samaria settled in Guzana during the reign of Sargon. The name Halbišu seems to have been Egyptian (see PNA 2/1 p. 443 s.v. llallabeše), but is also attested in Phoenician texts.
Mikko Luukko & Greta van Buylaere
Mikko Luukko & Greta van Buylaere, 'The West', The Political Correspondence of Esarhaddon, SAA 16. Original publication: Helsinki, Helsinki University Press, 2002; online contents: SAAo/SAA16 Project, a sub-project of MOCCI, 2022 [http://oracc.org/saao/saa16/relationsbetweenassyriaanditsneighbours/thewest/]